아플레이아데스영국지도부에대한행성탄공격지시명령서 아플레이아데스수당계지도부에대한행성탄공격지시명령서 이건희일족에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키고 영구파문후 지속적항구적항속적종신적영원적영겁적영속적영구적무시무종적으로 추방소멸토록 지시명령처리하다 아플레이아데스영국지도부에대해서행성탄으로공격하여전원몰살시키도록지시명령처리하다 아플레이아데스 수당계에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키도록 지시명령처리하다 이들의주요술수알고리즘들중하나는, 이병철,이건희,이재용,이건희서자놈등 4놈을 이용해서 박종권이를 잡고 핵심을 죽여버리는 최고도화된 모독살인술수알고리즘으로서 이병철 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 같이 겹치는데, 외부로 나가서 내가 박종권이라고 말하면 그게 이병철이고, 여기까지 들어와서 음옥,무간지옥등에 감금구속제재된 나는 박종권인 형태 이 형태는 박종권이가 그림을 그리거나 글을 적거나 고소장을 쓰거나 사람들에게 말하여 부당처사를 말하면 뭔가를 돌려받는데, 그 돌려받는 것을 대신대리대행해서 돌려받고 부귀극상횡재하려는 알고리즘 (예, 삼성그룹의 부귀영화) 이건희 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 현재 지금 여기에 앉아 있는 인간으로서의 박종권이가 아니고, 사람으로서의 박종권인데, 과거의 박종권, 과거시점의 박종권 자리에 사람으로서 앉아있는 이건희놈, 이 형태는, 박종권이가 무슨 일을 하든 이건희놈이 한 일로 처리하려는 목적과 의도로서의 알고리즘(예, 삼성그룹 삼성전자의 반도체횡재, 모니터횡재등 1200조원에 달하는 횡재후 자기가 한 업적공로로 처리하고, 이를 미끼로 중국국가상무위원진출, 다시 이를 미끼로 영국으로 진출, 영국여왕남편이 되고 영국왕이 되며 영국국권을 거머쥐려는 단계까지 오는 어마어마한 횡재) 이재용 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 주로 박종권이가 사람들로부터 인기를 얻는 부분인 섹스 음락 음욕 에로틱을 거머쥐고 박종권이가 여자생각하면 대신대행대리하여 나가서 직접 좃 박고 섹스하고 쾌락즐기기, 서양극상보지들로부터 사랑받고 인정받기등을 통해서, 어마어마한 횡재를 얻는데, 우리가 본 바로는, 영국제5대명문귀족이 되고, 마거릿힐다대처년보지를 싫증이 날때까지 즐기는데, 이 마거릿대처힐다년의 보지는, 준성단급보지로서 최극상보지맛에 해당, 이후 영국년보지란 보지는 전부 훑어처먹고 최고대접처우를 받는데, 한번 이 처우맛을 보면 미쳐환장하여 죽어도 손에 놓지 않으므로, 이 새끼가 한국삼성그룹회장노릇을 하느니 차라리 영국가서 명문귀족노릇하는게 낫다는 것을 알고 지랄발광하는 것이고, 이 모든 것이 박종권이 +22등급을 찬탈하여 자행하는 지옥귀들의 패악패륜패덕의 결과들이다. 이 새끼 등급지위서열로는 어림반푼도 없는 처우를 받고 최고도로 누리는 횡재를 하다 이건희서자(이원복, 모용황) : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 주로 박종권이가 영웅, 장군, 투사노릇할때 무조건 대신대행대리해서 나가서 자행하고 제 놈이 영웅장군군주라고 주장하는데 이용하는 놈이며, 이 새끼들의 원본품상 절대로 할수없는 일을 하는데에 우리 것을 최고도로 이용사용해서 최고의 횡재를 누리다.(횡재1 : 한조멸망, 중국국권장악-수당계, 영국국권장악-브리튼멸망, 미국국권장악-지구패권장악, 이 씹새끼가 박종권이를 이용해서 얻은 이익을 우주역사에 드물 횡재이며 최고도의 횡재이나 조금도 고맙지 아니하고 조금도 감사하지 아니하며 조금도 그 결실을 나누지 아니하며, 무도방자무례패악하게 행동행위하고 있으며, 그것이 바로 식인식육마물로부터 일어나는 패악무도함, 패륜무도함, 패덕무덕함의 결과이다. 우리가 이렇게 말하는 것은 이 새끼들의 원본품을 알기 때문인데, 이 새끼들이 가진 그 모든 것을 모조리 다 합쳐도 이와같이 할수 없다) 자네가가진것들중좋은것들이란좋은것들은모조리제놈것으로만드는알고리즘 지금부터올리는모든글들은모두무조건제가올리는 것으로하겠습니다의알고리즘 이건제가가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다의알고리즘 이건내가가르쳐준것이아닙니다의알고리즘 무엇을하든중인환시의대로상에서하게하고중인환시희롱을하고쳐다보고뜻을알고이건자기가하는거라고표식하는알고리즘 무엇을하든자기가했다고해요의알고리즘 죽지를못하게하는알고리즘 네주변이전부이건희야의알고리즘 네가뭘하잖아하루종일앉아서종일토록똑같이따라서해의알고리즘 反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스α LyraeAlpha LyraeAlpha Lyr or α Lyr 兩脚野狐口蜜腹劍表裏不同凶謀黑行惡性陰凶性老凶凶虐陰慝奸譎兇猾兇譎凶說凶怪凶惡凶德墨相黑幕心險黑心傷人害物鼠腸虺性羊頭狗尾含沙伺影凶狀凶風隱慇懃险隠隐𠃊 膣屄毴寶唐之陰門腟唭位置覺여성기음문陰門외음부내음부vulvamuffpussy 이새끼나중에맞아죽는게어떤건지알게만들어의알고리즘 여기있는자네를죽여의알고리즘 이새끼맞아죽게만들어의알고리즘 뭘생각하면제split personality依놈bastard이author가르쳐준것이라고반복주장repetitiona claim or assertion하고발을거는알고리즘 남녀관계one's true or inherent nature로망신humiliation과모독sacrilege; blasphemy을당하다의依알고리즘 장비유감 우리 엄마가 매우 혐오스럽다거나 안 좋게 느껴지던 시기가 있는데, 우리도 그 시기에 왜 그렇게 안좋게 보는지 이유를 모르지만 그러한 느낌이 들고, 뭔지도 몰라도 그러지 말라고 요구한다 하지만 이 양반이 자꾸 그러는데, 그게 결국 나중에 보니까, 장비가 갑자기 누군가의 칼을 맞고 죽는다 장비는, 이상하게도 내 엄마노릇을 해줄까하면서 나타나는데, 도대체 이 양반이 왜 그러는지 이유를 몰랐다 말하자면, 현대인으로 태어난 하급지구인박종권이와 수천년이전에 살았던 장비의 시공간격차인데 이 시공간격차와 서로 다른 시간대, 다른 문명대, 다른 조건과 환경하에서의 차이점을 교묘하게 사특하게 교활교특하게 간특하게 악용하여, 한조를 멸망시키고, 장비를 죽게 한 것이다 아무리 말데크용이라고 해도 일단 사람으로 들어오면, 잘 모르게 된다는 점, 그리고 알더라도, 예를 들어서 과거 삼국지시대의 장비의 입장과, 현대에서 박종권이와 같이 살고 있는 사람 입장은 서로 다를수밖에 없다 삼국지시대의 장판교싸움을 보면, 밤새도록 횃불들고 치열하게 싸운다. 서로간에 존망이 걸린 문제이다. 이런 상황에서의 입장과 현대시대 별다른 문제없이 평이하게 하급지구인으로 사는 것과는 아주 다른 것이다 이런 차이점을 현대삼성그룹회장직에 발을 걸고 배후음모하는 이건희가 교묘하게 이용한 것이다 특히 이건희가 이렇게 자행하여 한조를 멸하고, 브리튼, 서로마제국을 모조리 망하게 만든 것은, 오베론 JEHOVAH원대, JEHOVAH2대, ORIGEN오리겐(플레이아데스1억세원로 겸 오베론 장로)놈 때문이다. 특히 오리겐 놈이다 이 오리겐은, 그 성품과 기질이 매우 오만무례하고 악독한데, 꼭 이건희놈 성품과 유사하다 특히 지호바 원대성품도 아주 유사하다 지호바2대까지, 아니 3대까지는 거의 악독하고 오만무례하고 준마왕, 준마물에 가깝다 다만, 인도의 마왕신들처럼 아는게 많고 영적인 것들, 신앙 등 아카샤차원의 지식들이 높다는 점만 다른데, 이런 경우 더 문제가 된다 높은 지식을 가지기는 가지는데, 원품은 그게 아니다. 원품은 우리가 보았을때는, 뱀파충류종족, 유사뱀파충류종족으로서의 기질품이다 어떻게 보면 바나드 성에서 사는 뱀파충류들과 유사한데, 우리가 지호바7대에게 바나드성에서 사는 뱀파충류들이 성품이 악독해서 문제가 되니, 해결하는데 협조해달라는 요구를 받는다 이후 바나드성으로 가서, 뱀파충류들과 함께 있는데, 이것이 인연이 되어서 훗날 지자계관련공학적연구개발이 이뤄진다. 지금의 브라운관, 진공관튜브의 지자계 전자계관련기술은 이 사람들과 같이 개발한 것이다 아나로그 파워기술은 라란데사람들과 같이 했다고 보인다 바나드성 사람들을 보면, 지호바와는 매우 다르다. 오만무례 거만방자의 표상으로서의 지호바일족보다는 보다 마음에 드는 성품인데 지호바입장에서는 지구인들에게 해가 된다고 보았지만, 우리가 보았을때는 지호바 그 자신보다는 덜 해가 된다 특히 오리겐 이 고약한 장로놈이다 베다경전은 매우 높고 수승한 지혜를 간직한다. 하지만 베다경전을 인도의 신들이 썼다고는 보이지 않는데, 특히 라마제국신들이나 인도신들을 보건대, 이러한 경전을 쓴것같지는 않다는 추론이다 마찬가지로, 구약성경 역시도 꼭 오베론 지호바원대나 장로들이 쓴것만은 아니다라고 추정된다 일단 JEHOVAH일족에게 말데크용들이 당했다고 결론을 내려야 할 시점인데, 물론 말데크용들이 원본심으로서는 그렇게 하려고 했을수는 있는데, 다만, 과정에서 JEHOVAH일족과 장로놈들이 고단수의 술수로서 유혹하여 그렇게 만들었다는 것이 거의 확실시된다 특히 이 JEHOVAH일족과 안드로메다은하계놈들은 아주 사이가 좋은데, 제3우주 오베론이 졸지에 제4우주로 승격하고, 이후 다시 제6우주 프레제페성단으로 승격하여 올라가서 플레이아데스38등급에 봉해진것만 봐도 증거가 된다. 안드로메다은하계에서 수립한 말데크용 파멸음모의 주구로서 JEHOVAH일족이 적극 가담했다는 증거이다 특히 이 OBERON의 고단수란, 배후의 지호바등급에서 오는 것들로서의 아카샤차원의 영적지식이나 기타 여러가지 환영환각술들이다. 일단 지구차원으로 들어와야 부귀호사 부귀극상이 가능하고 음락도 가능한데, 그렇게 하려면 이 오베론이라는 곳을 통과해야 한다 물론 말데크용일때는 안그렇겠지만, 일단 지구차원의 일루션에 물들게 되면 달라지는 것이다. 그걸 지호바가 노린 것이고, 안드로메다은하계와 인텍 라이라가 노린다 우리가 혐오스럽게 보거나 안좋게 느낄때는 이유가 있다는 것을 여기와서 알게 된다 결국 말데크용들이 지호바놈들의 계략에 당한 것이다. 장비의 성품을 보면 이건희놈과는 좀 다른데, 이상하게도 간혹간혹 이건희놈처럼 변하는 것을 목격관찰하다. 결국, 장비가 지호바놈들이 자행하고 라마제국 신들이 협찬하고, 아플레이아데스17수장놈들이 주도하고 아플레이아데스영국지도부놈들이 적극 자행한 부정정사에 말려들었으며, 그 결과로서 이건희놈으로 위장한 오리겐, 지호바놈들에게 침식된 것으로 판단된다. 나중가면, 장비성품이 오만무례하고 사람을 우습게 보고 아주 못된 성품으로 극단화되는데 이게 지호바 놈들과 오리겐이 이건희로 위장한 이건희놈 그리고 라마제국 칼리(난폭하고 거칠다 그리고 잔인하고 인정사정없다 그게 라마제국 칼리였다) 역시도 이건희놈의 성품중 하나이다. 이들이 모두 연합해서, 장비를 이건희로 만들었고, 이후 부하들에게 암살되는데, 이 사람이 원품을 보건대는 이건희놈처럼 혹은 오리겐이라는 놈처럼 오만무도하지는 않았다고 보인다. 다만 그 시대에서 처럼 거칠고 흉악한 부분들이 있었을수는 있다. 결국 부정정사로 장비와 이복순(우리엄마다)과의 시공간격차를 이용해서 부정정사로 끌고 들어가는데, 이 부정정사를 하면, 꼭 이건희놈이 지호바원대놈 그리고 지호바17놈들 그리고 라마제국칼리(부정정사술수를 개발했다)로서의 이건희놈들이 배후의 심부의식 심부무의식차원에서 도사리다가, 일정 수준에 도달하면, 심부의식, 심부무의식이 와해되거나 그 방어장치가 풀리는 시점이 오게 만드는 거다. 이후 심부로 침입해서 그 사람을 뒤바꿔놓고 심부무의식차원에서 그렇게 하도록 만드는 술수를 쓴 것이다 이후 이건희놈을 보면 도대체 어떻게 할수 없는 오만무례함 거만방자함 사람과 사물을 우습게 여기고 깔보고 먹는 고기덩어리정도로 보는 아주 마물품 식인품 식육품으로서의 최극단 최극악의 성품들이 장비에게 표면화되는데, 이것이 장비가 부하에게 암살되는 이유가 된다. 결국 부정정사를 한 것이 이유이고, 이후에 은하계황금용 프로젝트로 말데크용들을 유혹하여 기망하고 속이는 지호바놈들의 술수에 걸려든 것이 파멸의 이유이다. 그래서 우리가 보면 아주 혐오스럽고 안좋게 보이던 엄마의 얼굴의 이유가 거기에 있는 것이다. 이 새끼들이 박종권이는 오르가즘의 만족도 모르게 만들고 부정정사가 뭔지도 모르게 하는데, 만일 우리가 알면 즉각 제놈들 술수가 무력화될 것이기에 그렇다. 무슨 도덕윤리때문이 아니다. 나쁜 새끼들이다 다만 부정정사라든지 이건희놈의 음행을 보면, 이 새끼들이 어떤 식으로 즐기고 향락하는지 유추가 된다. 부정정사는, 일단 상대를 가리지 않고 무조건 보지를 벌리게 하고 자지를 쑤시게 하는데, 누굴 보든 무조건 하고 싶고 벌리고 대주고 좋고 나쁨이 없다. 하지만 그 배후를 보면, 아주 陰惡한 魔物기운, 食人기운, 食肉기운이 감돌고 魔性과 妖邪스러운 妖性들이 휘돈다. 게다가 죽음의 고약한 냄새들, 地獄과 惡魔의 섬뜩한 분위기가 느껴진다. 게다가 그 내부를 보면, 毒蛇 4만마리가 들끓고 있는 무시무시한 초지옥의 극단적 공포와 혐오들이다 결국 장비가 갑자기 누군가의 칼을 맞고 죽는 광경이 보인다. 매우 유감스럽다 이후 한조가 멸망하고, 5호16국시대의 극한의 공포와 살육의 시대가 열린다. 서로마제국이 멸망한다. 브리튼이 멸망한다. 인류문명의 빛이 꺼지고 암흑과 혼돈 무지와 미개의 잔인한 시대가 개막한다. 그것이 지호바놈이 자랑하는 기독교전파와 공인의 결과이다. 개새끼들이다 동로마제국은 신권통치를 빙자한 대량살육과 식인식육을 자행하기 위해서 이 요망스럽고 추악한 식인귀들이 만든 거짓된 지옥의 제국이었다. 물론 겉으로는 아주 신성하고 도덕적으로 보이게 하는데, 이게 그게 아니라는 건, 로마교황청이 오늘날까지 어떻게 자행했는지를 역사서를 보면 유추할수 있을 것이다. 아플레이아데스영국지도부에대해서행성탄으로공격하여전원몰살시키도록지시명령처리하다 아플레이아데스 수당계에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키도록 지시명령처리하다 이건희일족에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키고 영구파문후 지속적항구적항속적종신적영원적영겁적영속적영구적무시무종적으로 추방소멸토록 지시명령처리하다 상은하계연합군사재판부 제출 민타카연합원로원 무르데크연합원로원, 말데크연합원로원, 은하연합원로원

 아플레이아데스영국지도부에대한행성탄공격지시명령서

아플레이아데스수당계지도부에대한행성탄공격지시명령서

이건희일족에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키고 영구파문후 지속적항구적항속적종신적영원적영겁적영속적영구적무시무종적으로 추방소멸토록 지시명령처리하다

아플레이아데스영국지도부에대해서행성탄으로공격하여전원몰살시키도록지시명령처리하다

아플레이아데스 수당계에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키도록 지시명령처리하다


이들의주요술수알고리즘들중하나는,

이병철,이건희,이재용,이건희서자놈등 4놈을 이용해서 박종권이를 잡고 핵심을 죽여버리는 최고도화된 모독살인술수알고리즘으로서

이병철 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 같이 겹치는데, 외부로 나가서 내가 박종권이라고 말하면 그게 이병철이고, 여기까지 들어와서 음옥,무간지옥등에 감금구속제재된 나는 박종권인 형태

이 형태는 박종권이가 그림을 그리거나 글을 적거나 고소장을 쓰거나 사람들에게 말하여 부당처사를 말하면 뭔가를 돌려받는데, 그 돌려받는 것을 대신대리대행해서 돌려받고 부귀극상횡재하려는 알고리즘 (예, 삼성그룹의 부귀영화)

이건희 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 현재 지금 여기에 앉아 있는 인간으로서의 박종권이가 아니고, 사람으로서의 박종권인데, 과거의 박종권, 과거시점의 박종권 자리에 사람으로서 앉아있는 이건희놈, 이 형태는, 박종권이가 무슨 일을 하든 이건희놈이 한 일로 처리하려는 목적과 의도로서의 알고리즘(예, 삼성그룹 삼성전자의 반도체횡재, 모니터횡재등 1200조원에 달하는 횡재후 자기가 한 업적공로로 처리하고, 이를 미끼로 중국국가상무위원진출, 다시 이를 미끼로 영국으로 진출, 영국여왕남편이 되고 영국왕이 되며 영국국권을 거머쥐려는 단계까지 오는 어마어마한 횡재)

이재용 : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 주로 박종권이가 사람들로부터 인기를 얻는 부분인 섹스 음락 음욕 에로틱을 거머쥐고 박종권이가 여자생각하면 대신대행대리하여 나가서 직접 좃 박고 섹스하고 쾌락즐기기, 서양극상보지들로부터 사랑받고 인정받기등을 통해서, 어마어마한 횡재를 얻는데, 우리가 본 바로는, 영국제5대명문귀족이 되고, 마거릿힐다대처년보지를 싫증이 날때까지 즐기는데, 이 마거릿대처힐다년의 보지는, 준성단급보지로서 최극상보지맛에 해당, 이후 영국년보지란 보지는 전부 훑어처먹고 최고대접처우를 받는데, 한번 이 처우맛을 보면 미쳐환장하여 죽어도 손에 놓지 않으므로, 이 새끼가 한국삼성그룹회장노릇을 하느니 차라리 영국가서 명문귀족노릇하는게 낫다는 것을 알고 지랄발광하는 것이고, 이 모든 것이 박종권이 +22등급을 찬탈하여 자행하는 지옥귀들의 패악패륜패덕의 결과들이다. 이 새끼 등급지위서열로는 어림반푼도 없는 처우를 받고 최고도로 누리는 횡재를 하다

이건희서자(이원복, 모용황) : 이중영체로서 나로 들어와서 나와 겹치는데, 주로 박종권이가 영웅, 장군, 투사노릇할때 무조건 대신대행대리해서 나가서 자행하고 제 놈이 영웅장군군주라고 주장하는데 이용하는 놈이며, 이 새끼들의 원본품상 절대로 할수없는 일을 하는데에 우리 것을 최고도로 이용사용해서 최고의 횡재를 누리다.(횡재1 : 한조멸망, 중국국권장악-수당계, 영국국권장악-브리튼멸망, 미국국권장악-지구패권장악, 이 씹새끼가 박종권이를 이용해서 얻은 이익을 우주역사에 드물 횡재이며 최고도의 횡재이나 조금도 고맙지 아니하고 조금도 감사하지 아니하며 조금도 그 결실을 나누지 아니하며, 무도방자무례패악하게 행동행위하고 있으며, 그것이 바로 식인식육마물로부터 일어나는 패악무도함, 패륜무도함, 패덕무덕함의 결과이다. 우리가 이렇게 말하는 것은 이 새끼들의 원본품을 알기 때문인데, 이 새끼들이 가진 그 모든 것을 모조리 다 합쳐도 이와같이 할수 없다)

자네가가진것들중좋은것들이란좋은것들은모조리제놈것으로만드는알고리즘

지금부터올리는모든글들은모두무조건제가올리는 것으로하겠습니다의알고리즘

이건제가가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다의알고리즘

이건내가가르쳐준것이아닙니다의알고리즘

무엇을하든중인환시의대로상에서하게하고중인환시희롱을하고쳐다보고뜻을알고이건자기가하는거라고표식하는알고리즘

무엇을하든자기가했다고해요의알고리즘

죽지를못하게하는알고리즘

네주변이전부이건희야의알고리즘

네가뭘하잖아하루종일앉아서종일토록똑같이따라서해의알고리즘

反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스α LyraeAlpha LyraeAlpha Lyr or α Lyr

兩脚野狐口蜜腹劍表裏不同凶謀黑行惡性陰凶性老凶凶虐陰慝奸譎兇猾兇譎凶說凶怪凶惡凶德墨相黑幕心險黑心傷人害物鼠腸虺性羊頭狗尾含沙伺影凶狀凶風隱慇懃险隠隐𠃊

膣屄毴寶唐之陰門腟唭位置覺여성기음문陰門외음부내음부vulvamuffpussy

이새끼나중에맞아죽는게어떤건지알게만들어의알고리즘

여기있는자네를죽여의알고리즘

이새끼맞아죽게만들어의알고리즘

뭘생각하면제split personality依놈bastard이author가르쳐준것이라고반복주장repetitiona claim or assertion하고발을거는알고리즘

남녀관계one's true or inherent nature로망신humiliation과모독sacrilege; blasphemy을당하다의依알고리즘

장비유감

우리 엄마가 매우 혐오스럽다거나 안 좋게 느껴지던 시기가 있는데, 우리도 그 시기에 왜 그렇게 안좋게 보는지 이유를 모르지만 그러한 느낌이 들고, 뭔지도 몰라도 그러지 말라고 요구한다

하지만 이 양반이 자꾸 그러는데,

그게 결국 나중에 보니까, 장비가 갑자기 누군가의 칼을 맞고 죽는다

장비는, 이상하게도 내 엄마노릇을 해줄까하면서 나타나는데, 도대체 이 양반이 왜 그러는지 이유를 몰랐다

말하자면, 현대인으로 태어난 하급지구인박종권이와 수천년이전에 살았던 장비의 시공간격차인데 이 시공간격차와 서로 다른 시간대, 다른 문명대, 다른 조건과 환경하에서의 차이점을 교묘하게 사특하게 교활교특하게 간특하게 악용하여, 한조를 멸망시키고, 장비를 죽게 한 것이다

아무리 말데크용이라고 해도 일단 사람으로 들어오면, 잘 모르게 된다는 점, 그리고 알더라도, 예를 들어서 과거 삼국지시대의 장비의 입장과, 현대에서 박종권이와 같이 살고 있는 사람 입장은 서로 다를수밖에 없다

삼국지시대의 장판교싸움을 보면, 밤새도록 횃불들고 치열하게 싸운다. 서로간에 존망이 걸린 문제이다. 이런 상황에서의 입장과 현대시대 별다른 문제없이 평이하게 하급지구인으로 사는 것과는 아주 다른 것이다

이런 차이점을 현대삼성그룹회장직에 발을 걸고 배후음모하는 이건희가 교묘하게 이용한 것이다

특히 이건희가 이렇게 자행하여 한조를 멸하고, 브리튼, 서로마제국을 모조리 망하게 만든 것은, 오베론 JEHOVAH원대, JEHOVAH2대, ORIGEN오리겐(플레이아데스1억세원로 겸 오베론 장로)놈 때문이다. 특히 오리겐 놈이다

이 오리겐은, 그 성품과 기질이 매우 오만무례하고 악독한데, 꼭 이건희놈 성품과 유사하다

특히 지호바 원대성품도 아주 유사하다

지호바2대까지, 아니 3대까지는 거의 악독하고 오만무례하고 준마왕, 준마물에 가깝다

다만, 인도의 마왕신들처럼 아는게 많고 영적인 것들, 신앙 등 아카샤차원의 지식들이 높다는 점만 다른데, 이런 경우 더 문제가 된다

높은 지식을 가지기는 가지는데, 원품은 그게 아니다.

원품은 우리가 보았을때는, 뱀파충류종족, 유사뱀파충류종족으로서의 기질품이다

어떻게 보면 바나드 성에서 사는 뱀파충류들과 유사한데, 우리가 지호바7대에게 바나드성에서 사는 뱀파충류들이 성품이 악독해서 문제가 되니, 해결하는데 협조해달라는 요구를 받는다

이후 바나드성으로 가서, 뱀파충류들과 함께 있는데, 이것이 인연이 되어서 훗날 지자계관련공학적연구개발이 이뤄진다. 지금의 브라운관, 진공관튜브의 지자계 전자계관련기술은 이 사람들과 같이 개발한 것이다

아나로그 파워기술은 라란데사람들과 같이 했다고 보인다

바나드성 사람들을 보면, 지호바와는 매우 다르다. 오만무례 거만방자의 표상으로서의 지호바일족보다는 보다 마음에 드는 성품인데 지호바입장에서는 지구인들에게 해가 된다고 보았지만, 우리가 보았을때는 지호바 그 자신보다는 덜 해가 된다

특히 오리겐 이 고약한 장로놈이다

베다경전은 매우 높고 수승한 지혜를 간직한다. 하지만 베다경전을 인도의 신들이 썼다고는 보이지 않는데, 특히 라마제국신들이나 인도신들을 보건대, 이러한 경전을 쓴것같지는 않다는 추론이다

마찬가지로, 구약성경 역시도 꼭 오베론 지호바원대나 장로들이 쓴것만은 아니다라고 추정된다

일단 JEHOVAH일족에게 말데크용들이 당했다고 결론을 내려야 할 시점인데, 물론 말데크용들이 원본심으로서는 그렇게 하려고 했을수는 있는데, 다만, 과정에서 JEHOVAH일족과 장로놈들이 고단수의 술수로서 유혹하여 그렇게 만들었다는 것이 거의 확실시된다

특히 이 JEHOVAH일족과 안드로메다은하계놈들은 아주 사이가 좋은데, 제3우주 오베론이 졸지에 제4우주로 승격하고, 이후 다시 제6우주 프레제페성단으로 승격하여 올라가서 플레이아데스38등급에 봉해진것만 봐도 증거가 된다. 안드로메다은하계에서 수립한 말데크용 파멸음모의 주구로서 JEHOVAH일족이 적극 가담했다는 증거이다

특히 이 OBERON의 고단수란, 배후의 지호바등급에서 오는 것들로서의 아카샤차원의 영적지식이나 기타 여러가지 환영환각술들이다. 일단 지구차원으로 들어와야 부귀호사 부귀극상이 가능하고 음락도 가능한데, 그렇게 하려면 이 오베론이라는 곳을 통과해야 한다

물론 말데크용일때는 안그렇겠지만, 일단 지구차원의 일루션에 물들게 되면 달라지는 것이다. 그걸 지호바가 노린 것이고, 안드로메다은하계와 인텍 라이라가 노린다

우리가 혐오스럽게 보거나 안좋게 느낄때는 이유가 있다는 것을 여기와서 알게 된다

결국 말데크용들이 지호바놈들의 계략에 당한 것이다.

장비의 성품을 보면 이건희놈과는 좀 다른데, 이상하게도 간혹간혹 이건희놈처럼 변하는 것을 목격관찰하다. 결국, 장비가 지호바놈들이 자행하고 라마제국 신들이 협찬하고, 아플레이아데스17수장놈들이 주도하고 아플레이아데스영국지도부놈들이 적극 자행한 부정정사에 말려들었으며, 그 결과로서 이건희놈으로 위장한 오리겐, 지호바놈들에게 침식된 것으로 판단된다. 나중가면, 장비성품이 오만무례하고 사람을 우습게 보고 아주 못된 성품으로  극단화되는데 이게 지호바 놈들과 오리겐이 이건희로 위장한 이건희놈 그리고 라마제국 칼리(난폭하고 거칠다 그리고 잔인하고 인정사정없다 그게 라마제국 칼리였다) 역시도 이건희놈의 성품중 하나이다. 이들이 모두 연합해서, 장비를 이건희로 만들었고, 이후 부하들에게 암살되는데, 이 사람이 원품을 보건대는 이건희놈처럼 혹은 오리겐이라는 놈처럼 오만무도하지는 않았다고 보인다. 다만 그 시대에서 처럼 거칠고 흉악한 부분들이 있었을수는 있다. 결국 부정정사로 장비와 이복순(우리엄마다)과의 시공간격차를 이용해서 부정정사로 끌고 들어가는데, 이 부정정사를 하면, 꼭 이건희놈이 지호바원대놈 그리고 지호바17놈들 그리고 라마제국칼리(부정정사술수를 개발했다)로서의 이건희놈들이 배후의 심부의식 심부무의식차원에서 도사리다가, 일정 수준에 도달하면, 심부의식, 심부무의식이 와해되거나 그 방어장치가 풀리는 시점이 오게 만드는 거다. 이후 심부로 침입해서 그 사람을 뒤바꿔놓고 심부무의식차원에서 그렇게 하도록 만드는 술수를 쓴 것이다

이후 이건희놈을 보면 도대체 어떻게 할수 없는 오만무례함 거만방자함 사람과 사물을 우습게 여기고 깔보고 먹는 고기덩어리정도로 보는 아주 마물품 식인품 식육품으로서의 최극단 최극악의 성품들이 장비에게 표면화되는데, 이것이 장비가 부하에게 암살되는 이유가 된다.  결국 부정정사를 한 것이 이유이고, 이후에 은하계황금용 프로젝트로 말데크용들을 유혹하여 기망하고 속이는 지호바놈들의 술수에 걸려든 것이 파멸의 이유이다. 그래서 우리가 보면 아주 혐오스럽고 안좋게 보이던 엄마의 얼굴의 이유가 거기에 있는 것이다. 이 새끼들이 박종권이는 오르가즘의 만족도 모르게 만들고 부정정사가 뭔지도 모르게 하는데, 만일 우리가 알면 즉각 제놈들 술수가 무력화될 것이기에 그렇다. 무슨 도덕윤리때문이 아니다. 나쁜 새끼들이다

다만 부정정사라든지 이건희놈의 음행을 보면, 이 새끼들이 어떤 식으로 즐기고 향락하는지 유추가 된다.

부정정사는, 일단 상대를 가리지 않고 무조건 보지를 벌리게 하고 자지를 쑤시게 하는데, 누굴 보든 무조건 하고 싶고 벌리고 대주고 좋고 나쁨이 없다. 하지만 그 배후를 보면, 아주 陰惡한 魔物기운, 食人기운, 食肉기운이 감돌고 魔性과 妖邪스러운 妖性들이 휘돈다. 게다가 죽음의 고약한 냄새들, 地獄과 惡魔의 섬뜩한 분위기가 느껴진다. 게다가 그 내부를 보면, 毒蛇 4만마리가 들끓고 있는 무시무시한 초지옥의 극단적 공포와 혐오들이다

결국 장비가 갑자기 누군가의 칼을 맞고 죽는 광경이 보인다. 매우 유감스럽다

이후 한조가 멸망하고, 5호16국시대의 극한의 공포와 살육의 시대가 열린다. 서로마제국이 멸망한다. 브리튼이 멸망한다. 인류문명의 빛이 꺼지고 암흑과 혼돈 무지와 미개의 잔인한 시대가 개막한다. 그것이 지호바놈이 자랑하는 기독교전파와 공인의 결과이다. 개새끼들이다

동로마제국은 신권통치를 빙자한 대량살육과 식인식육을 자행하기 위해서 이 요망스럽고 추악한 식인귀들이 만든 거짓된 지옥의 제국이었다. 물론 겉으로는 아주 신성하고 도덕적으로 보이게 하는데, 이게 그게 아니라는 건, 로마교황청이 오늘날까지 어떻게 자행했는지를 역사서를 보면 유추할수 있을 것이다.

아플레이아데스영국지도부에대해서행성탄으로공격하여전원몰살시키도록지시명령처리하다

아플레이아데스 수당계에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키도록 지시명령처리하다

이건희일족에 대해서 행성탄으로 공격하여 전원몰살시키고 영구파문후 지속적항구적항속적종신적영원적영겁적영속적영구적무시무종적으로 추방소멸토록 지시명령처리하다

상은하계연합군사재판부 제출 민타카연합원로원 무르데크연합원로원, 말데크연합원로원, 은하연합원로원 











































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Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

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 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan...
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The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian. Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung. The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01. Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2] Background Pagan and Dali Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow. Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4] Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6] Mongol conquest of Dali The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7] The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8] Decline of Pagan By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9] Prelude to war Bagan plains today First Mongol mission (1271–1272) The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5] When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5] Second Mongol mission (1273) At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12] "If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words." This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14] Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276) Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15] But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276. By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16] Border war (1277–1278) Mongol invasions 1277–87 Mongol mounted archer What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7] Battle of Ngasaunggyan Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8] The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20] According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19] Raid of Kaungsin The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22] Interlude (1278–1283) Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24]) At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24] Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13] Invasion (1283–1285) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283) The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14] Invasion of northern Burma The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26] The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35] Peace negotiations (1285–1287) Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Ceasefire Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34] Treaty of Beijing In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34] Breakdown But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38] Mongol last push for Pagan (1287) Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40] Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38] Aftermath The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43] The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38] Legacy Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. Age of political fragmentation The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51] Rise of Tai-Shan states Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53] Arrival of China on the Burmese border The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58] Modern relations During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]

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 The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contest...
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